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The imagery that Łazar and Ełišē employed struck a receptive chord in later Armenian historiography.

The parallels they drew between the Maccabees and the Armenian faithful remnant - for many Armenians were more prepared to stress their allegiance to the Persian Great King than to hold out for religious freedom - have often been noted and were applied by later historians todifferent circumstances (see Thomson “Maccabees,” and the Introduction to Nonetheless, it remains difficult to consider Armenia a homogenous entity within the empire; the local rivalries of major families continued to dictate the course of politics.

Following the Muslim conquest, the term “Persia” was restricted more and more to the Eastern Caucasus, to Ran (Arrān) and Atrpatakan (Azerbaijan).

The adjective “Persian” could now be used in the sense of “Muslim,” regardless of the ethnic origin involved, Turkish, for example, The old word for the Arabs of Northern Mesopotamia, also gained wide acceptance in the new sense of Muslim, especially after the Seljuk invasions, and it later came to mean simply “Turk.” The shift of power from the Sasanians in Ctesiphon to the Umayyads in Damascus and the establishment of military garrisons in the Muslim province of Arminiyya (Armenia) did not stifle the continuing process of Armenian self-assertion.

After the Persians had suppressed the rebellion of 450-451 an uneasy symbiosis was worked out.

Armenian sources do not suggest that Persian law was imposed on the country - as opposed, of course, to tax.

Greek canons were augmented by Armenian legislation from the fourth century, first written down in the fifth; but only in the early eighth century was the first formal collection compiled (the When Armenians described their position vis-à-vis Persia in specifically geographical terms vagueness pertains.

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